STANDARDS:
AZ High School American History Standards this assignment meets: Strand 1: American History PO 3. Formulate questions that can be answered by historical study and research. PO 5. Evaluate primary and secondary sources for:
PO 7 – Compare present events with past events:
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PROPOSED ASSIGNMENT:
For teachers at the Middle School or High School level to adapt a lesson on Lincoln's words of wisdom for their classroom use. Each question addresses one level of Bloom's Taxonomy. For any quote excerpt:
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teacher_guide.docx | |
File Size: | 196 kb |
File Type: | docx |
Reflections on the Civil War
Gettysburg Address (November 19, 1863)
It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us—that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they here gave the last full measure of devotion—that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain—that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom—and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.
Gettysburg Address (November 19, 1863)
It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us—that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they here gave the last full measure of devotion—that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain—that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom—and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.
Forgiveness
2nd Inaugural Address (March 4, 1865) With malice toward none; with charity for all; with firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in; to bind up the nation's wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow, and his orphan---to do all which may achieve and cherish a just, and a lasting peace, among ourselves, and with all nations. Speech at a Republican Banquet in Chicago, IL (December 10, 1856) Thus let bygones be bygones. Let past differences, as nothing be; and with steady eye on the real issue, let us reinaugurate the good old ``central ideas'' of the Republic. We can do it. The human heart is with us---God is with us. We shall again be able not to declare, that "all States as States, are equal,'' nor yet that "all citizens as citizens are equal,'' but to renew the broader, better declaration, including both these and much more, that “all men are created equal.” For Further Study and Research:
The Lost Cause of the North: A Reflection on Lincoln's Gettysburg Address and the Second Inaugural by James L. Huston Lincoln's Profound and Benign Americanism, or Nationalism without Malice by William Lee Miller |
Slavery/Emancipation
Letter to Horace Greely (August 22, 1862)
I have here stated my purpose according to my view of official duty; and I intend no modification of my oft---expressed personal wish that all men every where could be free.
Close Reading --- Matthew Pinkser --- Dickinson College
Letter to Albert Hodges (April 4, 1864)
If slavery is not wrong, nothing is wrong.
Address at Cooper Union (February 27, 1860)
Wrong as we think slavery is, we can yet afford to let it alone where it is, because that much is due to the necessity arising from its actual presence in the nation; but can we, while our votes will prevent it, allow it to spread into the National Territories, and to overrun us here in these Free States?
Address at Cooper Union (February 27, 1860)
LET US HAVE FAITH THAT RIGHT MAKES MIGHT, AND IN THAT FAITH, LET US, TO THE END, DARE TO DO OUR DUTY AS WE UNDERSTAND IT.
First Debate with Douglas (August 21, 1858)
I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so.
First Debate with Douglas (August 21, 1858)
There is no reason in the world why the negro is not entitled to all the natural rights enumerated in the Declaration of Independence, the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
Second Debate with Douglas (August 27, 1858)
I should be exceedingly glad to know that there would never be another slave state admitted into the Union; but I must add, that if slavery shall be kept out of the Territories during the territorial existence of any one given Territory, and then the people shall, having a fair chance and a clear field, when they come to adopt the Constitution, do such an extraordinary thing as to adopt a slave Constitution, uninfluenced by the actual presence of the institution among them, I see no alternative, if we own the country, but to admit them into the Union.
Third Debate with Douglas (September 15, 1858)
I hold myself under constitutional obligations to allow the people in all the States, without interference, direct or indirect, to do exactly as they please, and I deny that I have any inclination to interfere with them, even if there were no such constitutional obligation.
Sixth Debate with Douglas (October 13, 1858)
We have in this nation this element of domestic slavery. It is a matter of absolute certainty that it is a disturbing element.
Sixth Debate with Douglas (October 13, 1858)
I suppose that in reference both to its actual existence in the nation, and to our Constitutional obligations, we have no right at all to disturb it in the States where it exists, and we profess that we have no more inclination to disturb it than we have the right to do it.
Sixth Debate with Douglas (October 13, 1858)
We do not propose that when Dred Scott has been decided to be a slave by the court, we, as a mob, will decide him to be free. We do not propose that, when any other one, or one thousand, shall be decided by that court to be slaves, we will in any violent way disturb the rights of property thus settled, but we nevertheless do oppose that decision as a political rule,
Sixth Debate with Douglas (October 13, 1858)
I think I may do my friend Judge Douglas the honor of calling him such ---advocating the present Democratic policy, never himself says it is wrong. He has the high distinction, so far as I know, of never having said slavery is either right or wrong.
Seventh Debate with Douglas (October 15, 1858)
The real issue in this controversy---the one pressing upon every mind---is the sentiment on the part of one class that looks upon the institution of slavery as a wrong, and of another class that does not look upon it as a wrong. The sentiment that contemplates the institution of slavery in this country as a wrong is the sentiment of the Republican party. It is the sentiment around which all their actions---all their arguments circle---from which all their propositions radiate. They look upon it as being a moral, social and political wrong; and while they contemplate it as such, they nevertheless have due regard for its actual existence among us, and the difficulties of getting rid of it in any satisfactory way and to all the constitutional obligations thrown about it.
Preliminary Emancipation Proclamation (September 22, 1862)
That on the first day of January in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any state, or designated part of a state, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States shall be then, thenceforward, and forever free; and the executive government of the United States, including the military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom.
Reply to Emancipation Memorial Presented by Chicago Christians of all Denominations (September 13, 1862)
Would my word free the slaves, when I cannot even enforce the Constitution in the rebel States? Is there a single court, or magistrate, or individual that would be influenced by it there?
Reply to Emancipation Memorial Presented by Chicago Christians of all Denominations (September 13, 1862)
Now, then, tell me, if you please, what possible result of good would follow the issuing of such a proclamation as you desire? Understand, I raise no objections against it on legal or constitutional grounds; for, as commander-in-chief of the army and navy, in time of war, I suppose I have a right to take any measure which may best subdue the enemy. Nor do I urge objections of a moral nature, in view of possible consequences of insurrection and massacre at the South. I view the matter as a practical war measure, to be decided upon according to the advantages or disadvantages it may offer to the suppression of the rebellion.''
Peoria Speech (October 16, 1864)
Much as I hate slavery, I would consent to the extension of it rather than see the Union dissolved, just as I would consent to any GREAT evil, to avoid a GREATER one.
Definition of Democracy (August 1, 1858)
As I would not be a slave, so I would not be a master.
Letter to Joshua Fry Speed (August 24, 1855)
You know I dislike slavery; and you fully admit the abstract wrong of it. So far there is no cause of difference. But you say that sooner than yield your legal right to the slave---especially at the bidding of those who are not themselves interested, you would see the Union dissolved.
Letter to Joshua Fry Speed (August 24, 1855)
I do oppose the extension of slavery, because my judgment and feelings so prompt me; and I am under no obligation to the contrary.
Speech to the 166th Ohio Regiment (August 22, 1864)
It is not merely for to-day, but for all time to come that we should perpetuate for our children's children this great and free government, which we have enjoyed all our lives. I beg you to remember this, not merely for my sake, but for yours. I happen temporarily to occupy this big White House. I am a living witness that any one of your children may look to come here as my father's child has. It is in order that each of you may have through this free government which we have enjoyed, an open field and a fair chance for your industry, enterprise and intelligence; that you may all have equal privileges in the race of life, with all its desirable human aspirations.
Letter to Horace Greely (August 22, 1862)
I have here stated my purpose according to my view of official duty; and I intend no modification of my oft---expressed personal wish that all men every where could be free.
Close Reading --- Matthew Pinkser --- Dickinson College
Letter to Albert Hodges (April 4, 1864)
If slavery is not wrong, nothing is wrong.
Address at Cooper Union (February 27, 1860)
Wrong as we think slavery is, we can yet afford to let it alone where it is, because that much is due to the necessity arising from its actual presence in the nation; but can we, while our votes will prevent it, allow it to spread into the National Territories, and to overrun us here in these Free States?
Address at Cooper Union (February 27, 1860)
LET US HAVE FAITH THAT RIGHT MAKES MIGHT, AND IN THAT FAITH, LET US, TO THE END, DARE TO DO OUR DUTY AS WE UNDERSTAND IT.
First Debate with Douglas (August 21, 1858)
I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so.
First Debate with Douglas (August 21, 1858)
There is no reason in the world why the negro is not entitled to all the natural rights enumerated in the Declaration of Independence, the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
Second Debate with Douglas (August 27, 1858)
I should be exceedingly glad to know that there would never be another slave state admitted into the Union; but I must add, that if slavery shall be kept out of the Territories during the territorial existence of any one given Territory, and then the people shall, having a fair chance and a clear field, when they come to adopt the Constitution, do such an extraordinary thing as to adopt a slave Constitution, uninfluenced by the actual presence of the institution among them, I see no alternative, if we own the country, but to admit them into the Union.
Third Debate with Douglas (September 15, 1858)
I hold myself under constitutional obligations to allow the people in all the States, without interference, direct or indirect, to do exactly as they please, and I deny that I have any inclination to interfere with them, even if there were no such constitutional obligation.
Sixth Debate with Douglas (October 13, 1858)
We have in this nation this element of domestic slavery. It is a matter of absolute certainty that it is a disturbing element.
Sixth Debate with Douglas (October 13, 1858)
I suppose that in reference both to its actual existence in the nation, and to our Constitutional obligations, we have no right at all to disturb it in the States where it exists, and we profess that we have no more inclination to disturb it than we have the right to do it.
Sixth Debate with Douglas (October 13, 1858)
We do not propose that when Dred Scott has been decided to be a slave by the court, we, as a mob, will decide him to be free. We do not propose that, when any other one, or one thousand, shall be decided by that court to be slaves, we will in any violent way disturb the rights of property thus settled, but we nevertheless do oppose that decision as a political rule,
Sixth Debate with Douglas (October 13, 1858)
I think I may do my friend Judge Douglas the honor of calling him such ---advocating the present Democratic policy, never himself says it is wrong. He has the high distinction, so far as I know, of never having said slavery is either right or wrong.
Seventh Debate with Douglas (October 15, 1858)
The real issue in this controversy---the one pressing upon every mind---is the sentiment on the part of one class that looks upon the institution of slavery as a wrong, and of another class that does not look upon it as a wrong. The sentiment that contemplates the institution of slavery in this country as a wrong is the sentiment of the Republican party. It is the sentiment around which all their actions---all their arguments circle---from which all their propositions radiate. They look upon it as being a moral, social and political wrong; and while they contemplate it as such, they nevertheless have due regard for its actual existence among us, and the difficulties of getting rid of it in any satisfactory way and to all the constitutional obligations thrown about it.
Preliminary Emancipation Proclamation (September 22, 1862)
That on the first day of January in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any state, or designated part of a state, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States shall be then, thenceforward, and forever free; and the executive government of the United States, including the military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom.
Reply to Emancipation Memorial Presented by Chicago Christians of all Denominations (September 13, 1862)
Would my word free the slaves, when I cannot even enforce the Constitution in the rebel States? Is there a single court, or magistrate, or individual that would be influenced by it there?
Reply to Emancipation Memorial Presented by Chicago Christians of all Denominations (September 13, 1862)
Now, then, tell me, if you please, what possible result of good would follow the issuing of such a proclamation as you desire? Understand, I raise no objections against it on legal or constitutional grounds; for, as commander-in-chief of the army and navy, in time of war, I suppose I have a right to take any measure which may best subdue the enemy. Nor do I urge objections of a moral nature, in view of possible consequences of insurrection and massacre at the South. I view the matter as a practical war measure, to be decided upon according to the advantages or disadvantages it may offer to the suppression of the rebellion.''
Peoria Speech (October 16, 1864)
Much as I hate slavery, I would consent to the extension of it rather than see the Union dissolved, just as I would consent to any GREAT evil, to avoid a GREATER one.
Definition of Democracy (August 1, 1858)
As I would not be a slave, so I would not be a master.
Letter to Joshua Fry Speed (August 24, 1855)
You know I dislike slavery; and you fully admit the abstract wrong of it. So far there is no cause of difference. But you say that sooner than yield your legal right to the slave---especially at the bidding of those who are not themselves interested, you would see the Union dissolved.
Letter to Joshua Fry Speed (August 24, 1855)
I do oppose the extension of slavery, because my judgment and feelings so prompt me; and I am under no obligation to the contrary.
Speech to the 166th Ohio Regiment (August 22, 1864)
It is not merely for to-day, but for all time to come that we should perpetuate for our children's children this great and free government, which we have enjoyed all our lives. I beg you to remember this, not merely for my sake, but for yours. I happen temporarily to occupy this big White House. I am a living witness that any one of your children may look to come here as my father's child has. It is in order that each of you may have through this free government which we have enjoyed, an open field and a fair chance for your industry, enterprise and intelligence; that you may all have equal privileges in the race of life, with all its desirable human aspirations.
For Further Study and Research:
Lincoln and the Problem of Race: A Decade of Interpretations by Arthur Zilversmit
Lincoln and Civil Rights for Blacks by Mary Francis Berry
Lincoln and the Problem of Race: A Decade of Interpretations by Arthur Zilversmit
Lincoln and Civil Rights for Blacks by Mary Francis Berry
Predictions/Potential Problems:
House Divided Speech (June 16, 1858)
In my opinion, it will not cease, until a crisis shall have been reached, and passed. “A house divided against itself cannot stand.” I believe this government cannot endure, permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved---I do not expect the house to fall---but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other.
Letter to Albert Hodges (April 4, 1864)
By general law life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life; but a life is never wisely given to save a limb.
Letter to Williamson Durley (October 3, 1845)
To whatever extent this may be true, I think annexation an evil. I hold it to be a paramount duty of us in the free states, due to the Union of the states, and perhaps to liberty itself (paradox though it may seem) to let the slavery of the other states alone; while, on the other hand, I hold it to be equally clear, that we should never knowingly lend ourselves directly or indirectly, to prevent that slavery from dying a natural death---to find new places for it to live in, when it can no longer exist in the old.
House Divided Speech (June 16, 1858)
In my opinion, it will not cease, until a crisis shall have been reached, and passed. “A house divided against itself cannot stand.” I believe this government cannot endure, permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved---I do not expect the house to fall---but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other.
Letter to Albert Hodges (April 4, 1864)
By general law life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life; but a life is never wisely given to save a limb.
Letter to Williamson Durley (October 3, 1845)
To whatever extent this may be true, I think annexation an evil. I hold it to be a paramount duty of us in the free states, due to the Union of the states, and perhaps to liberty itself (paradox though it may seem) to let the slavery of the other states alone; while, on the other hand, I hold it to be equally clear, that we should never knowingly lend ourselves directly or indirectly, to prevent that slavery from dying a natural death---to find new places for it to live in, when it can no longer exist in the old.
Close Reading by Matthew Pinsker - Dickinson College
Governing Advice
Blind Memorandum (August 23, 1864)
it will be my duty to so co-operate with the President elect, as to save the Union between the election and the inauguration; as he will have secured his election on such ground that he can not possibly save it afterwards.
1st Inaugural Address (March 4, 1861)
It is safe to assert that no government proper, ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination.
1st Inaugural Address (March 4, 1861)
Physically speaking, we cannot separate. We cannot remove our respective sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall between them. A husband and wife may be divorced, and go out of the presence, and beyond the reach of each other; but the different parts of our country cannot do this. They cannot but remain face to face; and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them.
1st Inaugural Address (March 4, 1861)
We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battle-field, and patriot grave, to every living heart and hearthstone, all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature.
Campaign Statement (March 9, 1832)
That the poorest and most thinly populated countries would be greatly benefitted by the opening of good roads, and in the clearing of navigable streams within their limits, is what no person will deny. But yet it is folly to undertake works of this or any other kind, without first knowing that we are able to finish them---as half finished work generally proves to be labor lost.
Message to Congress – Special Session (July 4, 1861)
...And this issue embraces more than the fate of these United States. It presents to the whole family of man, the question, whether a constitutional republic, or a democracy---a government of the people, by the same people---can, or cannot, maintain its territorial integrity, against its own domestic foes.
Message to Congress – Special Session (July 4, 1861)
Must a government, of necessity, be too strong for the liberties of its own people, or too weak to maintain its own existence?''
Message to Congress – Special Session (July 4, 1861)
This is essentially a People's contest. On the side of the Union, it is a struggle for maintaining in the world, that form, and substance of government, whose leading object is, to elevate the condition of men---to lift artificial weights from all shoulders---to clear the paths of laudable pursuit for all---to afford all, an unfettered start, and a fair chance, in the race of life.
Response to a Serenade (November 10, 1864)
It has long been a grave question whether any government, not too strong for the liberties of its people, can be strong enough to maintain its own existence, in great emergencies.
Response to a Serenade (November 10, 1864)
We can not have free government without elections; and if the rebellion could force us to forego, or postpone a national election, it might fairly claim to have already conquered and ruined us.
Response to a Serenade (November 10, 1864)
It has demonstrated that a people's government can sustain a national election, in the midst of a great civil war. Until now it has not been known to the world that this was a possibility. It shows also how sound, and how strong we still are. It shows that, even among candidates of the same party, he who is most devoted to the Union, and most opposed to treason, can receive most of the people's votes. It shows also, to the extent yet known, that we have more men now, than we had when the war began.
Speech in the House of Representatives: The War with Mexico (January 12, 1848)
When the war began, it way my opinion that all those who, because of knowing too little, or because of knowing too much, could not conscientiously approve the conduct of the President, in the beginning of it, should, nevertheless, as good citizens and patriots, remain silent on that point, at least till the war should be ended.
Speech in the House of Representatives: The War with Mexico (January 12, 1848)
Let him answer with facts, and not with arguments. Let him remember he sits where Washington sat, and so remembering, let him answer, as Washington would answer. As a nation should not, and the Almighty will not, be evaded, so let him attempt no evasion---no equivocation. And if, so answering, he can show that the soil was ours, where the first blood of the war was shed---that it was not within an inhabited country.
Annual Message to Congress (December 1, 1862)
…Our national strife springs not from our permanent part; not from the land we inhabit; not from our national homestead. There is no possible severing of this, but would multiply, and not mitigate, evils among us. In all its adaptations and aptitudes, it demands union, and abhors separation. In fact, it would, ere long, force re-union, however much of blood and treasure the separation might have cost.
Annual Message to Congress (December 1, 1862)
Fellow-citizens, we cannot escape history. We of this Congress and this administration, will be remembered in spite of ourselves. No personal significance, or insignificance, can spare one or another of us. The fiery trial through which we pass, will light us down, in honor or dishonor, to the latest generation. We say we are for the Union. The world will not forget that we say this. We know how to save the Union. The world knows we do know how to save it. We---even we here---hold the power, and bear the responsibility. Ingiving freedom to the slave, we assure freedom to the free---honorable alike in what we give, and what we preserve. We shall nobly save, or meanly lose, the last best, hope of earth. Other means may succeed; this could not fail. The way is plain, peaceful, generous, just---a way which, if followed, the world will forever applaud, and God must forever bless.
Speech at a Republican Banquet in Chicago, IL (December 10, 1856)
…Our government rests in public opinion. Whoever can change public opinion, can change the government, practically just so much.
Reply to Delegation from the National Union League (June 9, 1864)
I am not entirely unworthy to be intrusted with the place I have occupied for the last three years. I have not permitted myself, gentlemen, to conclude that I am the best man in the country; but I am reminded, in this connection, of a story of an old Dutch farmer, who remarked to a companion once that ``it was not best to swap horses when crossing streams.''
Annual Message to Congress (December 6, 1864)
The most reliable indication of public purpose in this country is derived through our popular elections. Judging by the recent canvass and its result, the purpose of the people, within the loyal States, to maintain the integrity of the Union, was never more firm, nor more nearly unanimous, than now. The extraordinary calmness and good order with which the millions of voters met and mingled at the polls, give strong assurance of this.
Fragment on Government (Circa July 1, 1854)
The legitimate object of government, is to do for a community of people, whatever they need to have done, but can not do, at all, or can not, so well do, for themselves---in their separate, and individual capacities.
Fragment on Government (Circa July 1, 1854)
In all that the people can individually do as well for themselves, government ought not to interfere.
Campaign Circular from Whig Committee (March 4, 1843)
Experience has shown that we cannot successfully defend ourselves without it. (Conventions)
Campaign Circular from Whig Committee (March 4, 1843)
That “union is strength” is a truth that has been known, illustrated and declared, in various ways and forms in all ages of the world. That great fabulist and philosopher, Aesop, illustrated it by his fable of the bundle of sticks; and he whose wisdom surpasses that of all philosophers, has declared that “a house divided against itself cannot stand.”
Speech to Northwestern River and Harbor Convention, Chicago, IL (July 6, 1847)
I desire, for the sake of harmony, to make a few remarks –not of division and discord, but of harmony. We meet here to promote and advance the cause of internal improvement. Parties have differed on that subject, but we meet here to break down that difference –to unite, like a band of brothers, for the welfare of the common country.
Blind Memorandum (August 23, 1864)
it will be my duty to so co-operate with the President elect, as to save the Union between the election and the inauguration; as he will have secured his election on such ground that he can not possibly save it afterwards.
1st Inaugural Address (March 4, 1861)
It is safe to assert that no government proper, ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination.
1st Inaugural Address (March 4, 1861)
Physically speaking, we cannot separate. We cannot remove our respective sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall between them. A husband and wife may be divorced, and go out of the presence, and beyond the reach of each other; but the different parts of our country cannot do this. They cannot but remain face to face; and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them.
1st Inaugural Address (March 4, 1861)
We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battle-field, and patriot grave, to every living heart and hearthstone, all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature.
Campaign Statement (March 9, 1832)
That the poorest and most thinly populated countries would be greatly benefitted by the opening of good roads, and in the clearing of navigable streams within their limits, is what no person will deny. But yet it is folly to undertake works of this or any other kind, without first knowing that we are able to finish them---as half finished work generally proves to be labor lost.
Message to Congress – Special Session (July 4, 1861)
...And this issue embraces more than the fate of these United States. It presents to the whole family of man, the question, whether a constitutional republic, or a democracy---a government of the people, by the same people---can, or cannot, maintain its territorial integrity, against its own domestic foes.
Message to Congress – Special Session (July 4, 1861)
Must a government, of necessity, be too strong for the liberties of its own people, or too weak to maintain its own existence?''
Message to Congress – Special Session (July 4, 1861)
This is essentially a People's contest. On the side of the Union, it is a struggle for maintaining in the world, that form, and substance of government, whose leading object is, to elevate the condition of men---to lift artificial weights from all shoulders---to clear the paths of laudable pursuit for all---to afford all, an unfettered start, and a fair chance, in the race of life.
Response to a Serenade (November 10, 1864)
It has long been a grave question whether any government, not too strong for the liberties of its people, can be strong enough to maintain its own existence, in great emergencies.
Response to a Serenade (November 10, 1864)
We can not have free government without elections; and if the rebellion could force us to forego, or postpone a national election, it might fairly claim to have already conquered and ruined us.
Response to a Serenade (November 10, 1864)
It has demonstrated that a people's government can sustain a national election, in the midst of a great civil war. Until now it has not been known to the world that this was a possibility. It shows also how sound, and how strong we still are. It shows that, even among candidates of the same party, he who is most devoted to the Union, and most opposed to treason, can receive most of the people's votes. It shows also, to the extent yet known, that we have more men now, than we had when the war began.
Speech in the House of Representatives: The War with Mexico (January 12, 1848)
When the war began, it way my opinion that all those who, because of knowing too little, or because of knowing too much, could not conscientiously approve the conduct of the President, in the beginning of it, should, nevertheless, as good citizens and patriots, remain silent on that point, at least till the war should be ended.
Speech in the House of Representatives: The War with Mexico (January 12, 1848)
Let him answer with facts, and not with arguments. Let him remember he sits where Washington sat, and so remembering, let him answer, as Washington would answer. As a nation should not, and the Almighty will not, be evaded, so let him attempt no evasion---no equivocation. And if, so answering, he can show that the soil was ours, where the first blood of the war was shed---that it was not within an inhabited country.
Annual Message to Congress (December 1, 1862)
…Our national strife springs not from our permanent part; not from the land we inhabit; not from our national homestead. There is no possible severing of this, but would multiply, and not mitigate, evils among us. In all its adaptations and aptitudes, it demands union, and abhors separation. In fact, it would, ere long, force re-union, however much of blood and treasure the separation might have cost.
Annual Message to Congress (December 1, 1862)
Fellow-citizens, we cannot escape history. We of this Congress and this administration, will be remembered in spite of ourselves. No personal significance, or insignificance, can spare one or another of us. The fiery trial through which we pass, will light us down, in honor or dishonor, to the latest generation. We say we are for the Union. The world will not forget that we say this. We know how to save the Union. The world knows we do know how to save it. We---even we here---hold the power, and bear the responsibility. Ingiving freedom to the slave, we assure freedom to the free---honorable alike in what we give, and what we preserve. We shall nobly save, or meanly lose, the last best, hope of earth. Other means may succeed; this could not fail. The way is plain, peaceful, generous, just---a way which, if followed, the world will forever applaud, and God must forever bless.
Speech at a Republican Banquet in Chicago, IL (December 10, 1856)
…Our government rests in public opinion. Whoever can change public opinion, can change the government, practically just so much.
Reply to Delegation from the National Union League (June 9, 1864)
I am not entirely unworthy to be intrusted with the place I have occupied for the last three years. I have not permitted myself, gentlemen, to conclude that I am the best man in the country; but I am reminded, in this connection, of a story of an old Dutch farmer, who remarked to a companion once that ``it was not best to swap horses when crossing streams.''
Annual Message to Congress (December 6, 1864)
The most reliable indication of public purpose in this country is derived through our popular elections. Judging by the recent canvass and its result, the purpose of the people, within the loyal States, to maintain the integrity of the Union, was never more firm, nor more nearly unanimous, than now. The extraordinary calmness and good order with which the millions of voters met and mingled at the polls, give strong assurance of this.
Fragment on Government (Circa July 1, 1854)
The legitimate object of government, is to do for a community of people, whatever they need to have done, but can not do, at all, or can not, so well do, for themselves---in their separate, and individual capacities.
Fragment on Government (Circa July 1, 1854)
In all that the people can individually do as well for themselves, government ought not to interfere.
Campaign Circular from Whig Committee (March 4, 1843)
Experience has shown that we cannot successfully defend ourselves without it. (Conventions)
Campaign Circular from Whig Committee (March 4, 1843)
That “union is strength” is a truth that has been known, illustrated and declared, in various ways and forms in all ages of the world. That great fabulist and philosopher, Aesop, illustrated it by his fable of the bundle of sticks; and he whose wisdom surpasses that of all philosophers, has declared that “a house divided against itself cannot stand.”
Speech to Northwestern River and Harbor Convention, Chicago, IL (July 6, 1847)
I desire, for the sake of harmony, to make a few remarks –not of division and discord, but of harmony. We meet here to promote and advance the cause of internal improvement. Parties have differed on that subject, but we meet here to break down that difference –to unite, like a band of brothers, for the welfare of the common country.
For Further Study and Research:
Lincoln's Construction of the Executive Power in the Secession Crisis by Herman Belz
Lincoln's Suspension of the Writ of Habeas Corpus: An Historical and Constitutional Analysis by James A. Dueholm
Lincoln's Construction of the Executive Power in the Secession Crisis by Herman Belz
Lincoln's Suspension of the Writ of Habeas Corpus: An Historical and Constitutional Analysis by James A. Dueholm
Personal Advice
Letter to Mary Todd (April 16, 1848)
In this troublesome world, we are never quite satisfied.
Letter to Reverdy Johnson (July 26, 1862)
I distrust the wisdom if not the sincerity of friends, who would hold my hands while my enemies stab me.
Campaign Statement (March 9, 1832)
Upon the subject of education, not presuming to dictate any plan or system respecting it, I can only say that I view it as the most important subject which we as a people can be engaged in. That every man may receive at least, a moderate education, and thereby be enabled to read the histories of his own and other countries, by which he may duly appreciate the value of our free institutions, appears to be an object of vital importance, even on this account alone, to say nothing of the advantages and satisfaction to be derived from all being able to read the scriptures and other works, both of a religious and moral nature, for themselves.
Campaign Statement (March 9, 1832)
Every man is said to have his peculiar ambition. Whether it be true or not, I can say for one that I have no other so great as that of being truly esteemed of my fellow men, by rendering myself worthy of their esteem.
Lyceum Address (January 27, 1838)
Towering genius disdains a beaten path. It seeks regions hitherto unexplored. It sees no distinction in adding story to story, upon the monuments of fame, erected to the memory of others.
Notes for Law Lecture (circa 1850)
The leading rule for the lawyer, as for the man of every other calling, is diligence. Leave nothing for to-morrow which can be done to-day. Never let your correspondence fall behind. Whatever piece of business you have in hand, before stopping, do all the labor pertaining to it which can then be done.…
Notes for Law Lecture (circa 1850)
Extemporaneous speaking should be practised and cultivated.
Notes for Law Lecture (circa 1850)
Discourage litigation. Persuade your neighbors to compromise whenever you can. Point out to them how the nominal winner is often a real loser---in fees, expenses, and waste of time. As a peacemaker the lawyer has a superior opportunity of being a good man. There will still be business enough.
Notes for Law Lecture (circa 1850)
Never stir up litigation. A worse man can scarcely be found than one who does this. Who can be more nearly a fiend than he who habitually overhauls the register of deeds in search of defects in titles, whereon to stir up strife, and put money in his pocket? A moral tone ought to be infused into the profession which should drive such men out of it.
Notes for Law Lecture (circa 1850)
An exorbitant fee should never be claimed. As a general rule never take your whole fee in advance, nor any more than a small retainer. When fully paid beforehand, you are more than a common mortal if you can feel the same interest in the case, as if something was still in prospect for you, as well as for your client. And when you lack interest in the case the job will very likely lack skill and diligence in the performance. Settle the amount of fee and take a note in advance. Then you will feel that you are working for something, and you are sure to do your work faithfully and well.
Notes for Law Lecture (circa 1850)
Never sell a fee note---at least not before the consideration service is performed. It leads to negligence and dishonesty---negligence by losing interest in the case, and dishonesty in refusing to refund when you have allowed the consideration to fail.
Notes for Law Lecture (circa 1850)
Let no young man choosing the law for a calling for a moment yield to the popular belief---resolve to be honest at all events; and if in your own judgment you cannot be an honest lawyer, resolve to be honest without being a lawyer.
Letter to William Herndon (July 10, 1848)
Allow me to assure you, that suspicion and jealousy never did help any man in any situation.
There may sometimes be ungenerous attempts to keep a young man down; and they will succeed too, if he allows his mind to be diverted from its true channel to brood over the attempted injury.
First Debate with Douglas (August 21, 1858)
When a man hears himself somewhat misrepresented, it provokes him-at least, I find it so with myself; but when misrepresentation becomes very gross and palpable, it is more apt to amuse him.
Copybook Verses – (1824-1826)
Abraham Lincoln
his hand and pen
he will be good but
god knows When
Letter to Joshua Speed (February 25, 1842)
My old Father used to have a saying that "If you make a bad bargain, hug it the tighter''; and it occurs to me, that if the bargain you have just closed can possibly be called a bad one, it is certainly the most pleasant one for applying that maxim to.
First Lecture on Discoveries and Inventions (April 6, 1858)
All creation is a mine, and every man, a miner.
First Lecture on Discoveries and Inventions (April 6, 1858)
Man is not the only animal who labors; but he is the only one who improves his workmanship.
Instructions for John Nicolay (c. July 16, 1860)
My motto is "Fairness to all."
Letter to David Hunter (December 31, 1861)
I would say you are adopting the best possible way to ruin yourself. "Act well your part, there all the honor lies.'' He who does something at the head of one Regiment, will eclipse him who does nothing at the head of a hundred.
Letter to John D. Johnston (December 24, 1848)
And to secure you a fair reward for your labor, I now promise you, that for every dollar you will, between this and the first of next May, get for your own labor, either in money, or in your own indebtedness, I will then give you one other dollar.
Letter to Ulysses Simpson Grant (July 13, 1863)
I now wish to make the personal acknowledgement that you were right and I was wrong.
Address to Washington Temperance Society (February 22, 1842)
It is an old and a true maxim, that a "drop of honey catches more flies than a gallon of gall.'' So with men. If you would win a man to your cause, first convince him that you are his sincere friend. Therein is a drop of honey that catches his heart, which, say what he will, is the great high road to his reason, and which, when once gained, you will find but little trouble in convincing his judgment of the justice of your cause, if indeed that cause really be a just one.
Letter to James Henry Hackett (November 2, 1863)
Those comments constitute a fair specimen of what has occurred to me through life. I have endured a great deal of ridicule without much malice; and have received a great deal of kindness, not quite free from ridicule. I am used to it.
Letter to Abraham Jonas (July 21, 1860)
And now, a word of caution. Our adversaries think they can gain a point, if they could force me to openly deny this charge, by which some degree of offence would be given to the Americans. For this reason, it must not publicly appear that I am paying any attention to the charge.
Letter to Mary Todd (April 16, 1848)
In this troublesome world, we are never quite satisfied.
Letter to Reverdy Johnson (July 26, 1862)
I distrust the wisdom if not the sincerity of friends, who would hold my hands while my enemies stab me.
Campaign Statement (March 9, 1832)
Upon the subject of education, not presuming to dictate any plan or system respecting it, I can only say that I view it as the most important subject which we as a people can be engaged in. That every man may receive at least, a moderate education, and thereby be enabled to read the histories of his own and other countries, by which he may duly appreciate the value of our free institutions, appears to be an object of vital importance, even on this account alone, to say nothing of the advantages and satisfaction to be derived from all being able to read the scriptures and other works, both of a religious and moral nature, for themselves.
Campaign Statement (March 9, 1832)
Every man is said to have his peculiar ambition. Whether it be true or not, I can say for one that I have no other so great as that of being truly esteemed of my fellow men, by rendering myself worthy of their esteem.
Lyceum Address (January 27, 1838)
Towering genius disdains a beaten path. It seeks regions hitherto unexplored. It sees no distinction in adding story to story, upon the monuments of fame, erected to the memory of others.
Notes for Law Lecture (circa 1850)
The leading rule for the lawyer, as for the man of every other calling, is diligence. Leave nothing for to-morrow which can be done to-day. Never let your correspondence fall behind. Whatever piece of business you have in hand, before stopping, do all the labor pertaining to it which can then be done.…
Notes for Law Lecture (circa 1850)
Extemporaneous speaking should be practised and cultivated.
Notes for Law Lecture (circa 1850)
Discourage litigation. Persuade your neighbors to compromise whenever you can. Point out to them how the nominal winner is often a real loser---in fees, expenses, and waste of time. As a peacemaker the lawyer has a superior opportunity of being a good man. There will still be business enough.
Notes for Law Lecture (circa 1850)
Never stir up litigation. A worse man can scarcely be found than one who does this. Who can be more nearly a fiend than he who habitually overhauls the register of deeds in search of defects in titles, whereon to stir up strife, and put money in his pocket? A moral tone ought to be infused into the profession which should drive such men out of it.
Notes for Law Lecture (circa 1850)
An exorbitant fee should never be claimed. As a general rule never take your whole fee in advance, nor any more than a small retainer. When fully paid beforehand, you are more than a common mortal if you can feel the same interest in the case, as if something was still in prospect for you, as well as for your client. And when you lack interest in the case the job will very likely lack skill and diligence in the performance. Settle the amount of fee and take a note in advance. Then you will feel that you are working for something, and you are sure to do your work faithfully and well.
Notes for Law Lecture (circa 1850)
Never sell a fee note---at least not before the consideration service is performed. It leads to negligence and dishonesty---negligence by losing interest in the case, and dishonesty in refusing to refund when you have allowed the consideration to fail.
Notes for Law Lecture (circa 1850)
Let no young man choosing the law for a calling for a moment yield to the popular belief---resolve to be honest at all events; and if in your own judgment you cannot be an honest lawyer, resolve to be honest without being a lawyer.
Letter to William Herndon (July 10, 1848)
Allow me to assure you, that suspicion and jealousy never did help any man in any situation.
There may sometimes be ungenerous attempts to keep a young man down; and they will succeed too, if he allows his mind to be diverted from its true channel to brood over the attempted injury.
First Debate with Douglas (August 21, 1858)
When a man hears himself somewhat misrepresented, it provokes him-at least, I find it so with myself; but when misrepresentation becomes very gross and palpable, it is more apt to amuse him.
Copybook Verses – (1824-1826)
Abraham Lincoln
his hand and pen
he will be good but
god knows When
Letter to Joshua Speed (February 25, 1842)
My old Father used to have a saying that "If you make a bad bargain, hug it the tighter''; and it occurs to me, that if the bargain you have just closed can possibly be called a bad one, it is certainly the most pleasant one for applying that maxim to.
First Lecture on Discoveries and Inventions (April 6, 1858)
All creation is a mine, and every man, a miner.
First Lecture on Discoveries and Inventions (April 6, 1858)
Man is not the only animal who labors; but he is the only one who improves his workmanship.
Instructions for John Nicolay (c. July 16, 1860)
My motto is "Fairness to all."
Letter to David Hunter (December 31, 1861)
I would say you are adopting the best possible way to ruin yourself. "Act well your part, there all the honor lies.'' He who does something at the head of one Regiment, will eclipse him who does nothing at the head of a hundred.
Letter to John D. Johnston (December 24, 1848)
And to secure you a fair reward for your labor, I now promise you, that for every dollar you will, between this and the first of next May, get for your own labor, either in money, or in your own indebtedness, I will then give you one other dollar.
Letter to Ulysses Simpson Grant (July 13, 1863)
I now wish to make the personal acknowledgement that you were right and I was wrong.
Address to Washington Temperance Society (February 22, 1842)
It is an old and a true maxim, that a "drop of honey catches more flies than a gallon of gall.'' So with men. If you would win a man to your cause, first convince him that you are his sincere friend. Therein is a drop of honey that catches his heart, which, say what he will, is the great high road to his reason, and which, when once gained, you will find but little trouble in convincing his judgment of the justice of your cause, if indeed that cause really be a just one.
Letter to James Henry Hackett (November 2, 1863)
Those comments constitute a fair specimen of what has occurred to me through life. I have endured a great deal of ridicule without much malice; and have received a great deal of kindness, not quite free from ridicule. I am used to it.
Letter to Abraham Jonas (July 21, 1860)
And now, a word of caution. Our adversaries think they can gain a point, if they could force me to openly deny this charge, by which some degree of offence would be given to the Americans. For this reason, it must not publicly appear that I am paying any attention to the charge.
Military Advice/to Generals
Letter to Joseph Hooker (January 26, 1863) Only those generals who gain successes, can set up dictators. What I now ask of you is military success, and I will risk the dictatorship. Letter to Joseph Hooker (January 26, 1863) Neither you, nor Napoleon, if he were alive again, could get any good out of an army, while such a spirit prevails in it. And now, beware of rashness. Beware of rashness, but with energy, and sleepless vigilance, go forward, and give us victories. Letter to George McClellan (October 25, 1862) I have just read your despatch about sore tongued and fatiegued horses. Will you pardon me for asking what the horses of your army have done since the battle of Antietam that fatigue anything? Letter to Lorenzo Thomas (November 7, 1861) First. We need all the educated military talent we can get. Second. It [is] our interest to have as little of it as possible go to the enemy. Speech at Great Central Sanitary Fair, Philadelphia, PA (June 16, 1864) War, at the best, is terrible, and this war of ours, in its magnitude and in its duration, is one of the most terrible. Letter to Hannibal Hamlin (September 28, 1862) The North responds to the proclamation sufficiently in breath; but breath alone kills no rebels. Letter to Don Carlos Buell (January 13, 1862) I state my general idea of this war to be that we have the greater numbers, and the enemy has the greater facility of concentrating forces upon points of collision; that we must fail, unless we can find some way of making our advantage an over-match for his; and that this can only be done by menacing him with superior forces at different points, at the same time; so that we can safely attack, one, or both, if he makes no change; and if he weakens one to strengthen the other, forbear to attack the strengthened one, but seize, and hold the weakened one, gaining so much. Annual Message to Congress (December 6, 1864) The important fact remains demonstrated, that we have more men now than we had when the war began; that we are not exhausted, nor in process of exhaustion; that we are gaining strength, and may, if need be, maintain the contest indefinitely. This as to men. Material resources are now more complete and abundant than ever. Telegram to Joseph Hooker (June 10, 1863) I think Lee's Army, and not Richmond, is your true objective point. Letter to William T. Sherman (December 26, 1864) Many, many, thanks for your Christmas-gift---the capture of Savannah. When you were about leaving Atlanta for the Atlantic coast, I was anxious, if not fearful; but feeling that you were the better judge, and remembering that “nothing risked, nothing gained” I did not interfere. Letter to William T. Sherman (December 26, 1864) Now, the undertaking being a success, the honor is all yours. Letter to George B. McClellan (April 9, 1862) But you must act. For Further Consideration and Research:
Lincoln's Presidential Example in Dealing with the Military by Herman Hattaway Lincoln and His Political Generals by Brooks D. Simpson |
Religious Thoughts
Handbill on Infidelity (July 31, 1846)
I have never denied the truth of the Scriptures; and I have never spoken with intentional disrespect of religion in general, or of any denomination of Christians in particular.
Meditations on Divine Will (September, 1862)
The will of God prevails.
Meditations on Divine Will (September, 1862)
In great contests each party claims to act in accordance with the will of God. Both may be, and one must be wrong. God can not be for, and against the same thing at the same time.
Meditations on Divine Will (September, 1862)
In the present civil war it is quite possible that God's purpose is something different from the purpose of either party---and yet the human instrumentalities, working just as they do, are of the best adaptation to effect His purpose.
Meditations on Divine Will (September, 1862)
I am almost ready to say this is probably true---that God wills this contest, and wills that it shall not end yet. By his mere quiet power, on the minds of the now contestants, He could have either saved or destroyed the Union without a human contest. Yet the contest began. And having begun He could give the final victory to either side any day. Yet the contest proceeds.
Last Speech (April 11, 1865)
In the midst of this, however, He, from Whom all blessings flow, must not be forgotten.
Reply to Emancipation Memorial Presented by Chicago Christians of all Denominations (September 13, 1862)
I hope it will not be irreverent for me to say that if it is probable that God would reveal his will to others, on a point so connected with my duty, it might be supposed he would reveal it directly to me; for, unless I am more deceived in myself than I often am, it is my earnest desire to know the will of Providence in this matter.
Farewell Address to Springfield, IL (February 11, 1861)
Without the assistance of that Divine Being, who ever attended him, I cannot succeed. With that assistance I cannot fail. Trusting in Him, who can go with me, and remain with you and be every where for good, let us confidently hope that all will yet be well.
Proclamation of Thanksgiving (October 3, 1863)
The year that is drawing towards its close, has been filled with the blessings of fruitful fields and healthful skies. To these bounties, which are so constantly enjoyed that we are prone to forget the source from which they come, others have been added, which are of so extraordinary a nature, that they cannot fail to penetrate and soften even the heart which is habitually insensible to the ever watchful providence of Almighty God.
Proclamation of Thanksgiving (October 3, 1863)
No human counsel hath devised nor hath any mortal hand worked out these great things. They are the gracious gifts of the Most High God, who, while dealing with us in anger for our sins, hath nevertheless remembered mercy.
Proclamation of Thanksgiving (October 3, 1863)
I do therefore invite my fellow citizens in every part of the United States, and also those who are at sea and those who are sojourning in foreign lands, to set apart and observe the last Thursday of November next, as a day of Thanksgiving and Praise to our beneficent Father who dwelleth in the Heavens.
Proclamation of Thanksgiving (October 3, 1863)
And I recommend to them that while offering up the ascriptions justly due to Him for such singular deliverances and blessings, they do also, with humble penitence for our national perverseness and disobedience, commend to His tender care all those who have become widows, orphans, mourners or sufferers in the lamentable civil strife in which we are unavoidably engaged, and fervently implore the interposition of the Almighty Hand to heal the wounds of the nation and to restore it as soon as may be consistent with the Divine purposes to the full enjoyment of peace, harmony, tranquillity and Union.
Letter to Lydia Bixby (November 21, 1864) – lost 5 sons
I pray that our Heavenly Father may assuage the anguish of your bereavement, and leave you only the cherished memory of the loved and lost, and the solemn pride that must be yours, to have laid so costly a sacrifice upon the altar of Freedom.
Letter to Thurlow Weed (March 15, 1865)
Men are not flattered by being shown that there has been a difference of purpose between the Almighty and them. To deny it, however, in this case, is to deny that there is a God governing the world.
Handbill on Infidelity (July 31, 1846)
I have never denied the truth of the Scriptures; and I have never spoken with intentional disrespect of religion in general, or of any denomination of Christians in particular.
Meditations on Divine Will (September, 1862)
The will of God prevails.
Meditations on Divine Will (September, 1862)
In great contests each party claims to act in accordance with the will of God. Both may be, and one must be wrong. God can not be for, and against the same thing at the same time.
Meditations on Divine Will (September, 1862)
In the present civil war it is quite possible that God's purpose is something different from the purpose of either party---and yet the human instrumentalities, working just as they do, are of the best adaptation to effect His purpose.
Meditations on Divine Will (September, 1862)
I am almost ready to say this is probably true---that God wills this contest, and wills that it shall not end yet. By his mere quiet power, on the minds of the now contestants, He could have either saved or destroyed the Union without a human contest. Yet the contest began. And having begun He could give the final victory to either side any day. Yet the contest proceeds.
Last Speech (April 11, 1865)
In the midst of this, however, He, from Whom all blessings flow, must not be forgotten.
Reply to Emancipation Memorial Presented by Chicago Christians of all Denominations (September 13, 1862)
I hope it will not be irreverent for me to say that if it is probable that God would reveal his will to others, on a point so connected with my duty, it might be supposed he would reveal it directly to me; for, unless I am more deceived in myself than I often am, it is my earnest desire to know the will of Providence in this matter.
Farewell Address to Springfield, IL (February 11, 1861)
Without the assistance of that Divine Being, who ever attended him, I cannot succeed. With that assistance I cannot fail. Trusting in Him, who can go with me, and remain with you and be every where for good, let us confidently hope that all will yet be well.
Proclamation of Thanksgiving (October 3, 1863)
The year that is drawing towards its close, has been filled with the blessings of fruitful fields and healthful skies. To these bounties, which are so constantly enjoyed that we are prone to forget the source from which they come, others have been added, which are of so extraordinary a nature, that they cannot fail to penetrate and soften even the heart which is habitually insensible to the ever watchful providence of Almighty God.
Proclamation of Thanksgiving (October 3, 1863)
No human counsel hath devised nor hath any mortal hand worked out these great things. They are the gracious gifts of the Most High God, who, while dealing with us in anger for our sins, hath nevertheless remembered mercy.
Proclamation of Thanksgiving (October 3, 1863)
I do therefore invite my fellow citizens in every part of the United States, and also those who are at sea and those who are sojourning in foreign lands, to set apart and observe the last Thursday of November next, as a day of Thanksgiving and Praise to our beneficent Father who dwelleth in the Heavens.
Proclamation of Thanksgiving (October 3, 1863)
And I recommend to them that while offering up the ascriptions justly due to Him for such singular deliverances and blessings, they do also, with humble penitence for our national perverseness and disobedience, commend to His tender care all those who have become widows, orphans, mourners or sufferers in the lamentable civil strife in which we are unavoidably engaged, and fervently implore the interposition of the Almighty Hand to heal the wounds of the nation and to restore it as soon as may be consistent with the Divine purposes to the full enjoyment of peace, harmony, tranquillity and Union.
Letter to Lydia Bixby (November 21, 1864) – lost 5 sons
I pray that our Heavenly Father may assuage the anguish of your bereavement, and leave you only the cherished memory of the loved and lost, and the solemn pride that must be yours, to have laid so costly a sacrifice upon the altar of Freedom.
Letter to Thurlow Weed (March 15, 1865)
Men are not flattered by being shown that there has been a difference of purpose between the Almighty and them. To deny it, however, in this case, is to deny that there is a God governing the world.
For Further Consideration and Research:
Abraham Lincoln's Religion by Samuel Calhoun and Lucas Morel
Abraham Lincoln and the Doctrine of Necessity by Allen Guelzo
Lincoln, Evangelical Religion, and the American Political Culture in the Era of the Civil War by Richard J. Carwardine
Abraham Lincoln's Religion by Samuel Calhoun and Lucas Morel
Abraham Lincoln and the Doctrine of Necessity by Allen Guelzo
Lincoln, Evangelical Religion, and the American Political Culture in the Era of the Civil War by Richard J. Carwardine
All quotes and transcriptions from The House Divided Project
Photo credits from The House Divided Project, The Living Lincoln Project and Abraham Lincoln Online, Dover Electronic Clip Art
Research Articles from the Journal of the Abraham Lincoln Association
All quotations preserved in original transcription from the House Divided Project including existing grammatical errors.
Arizona State High School Social Studies Standards
Copyright 2016 Adam Sonstroem. May be used and adapted as long as proper credit given to the source.
Photo credits from The House Divided Project, The Living Lincoln Project and Abraham Lincoln Online, Dover Electronic Clip Art
Research Articles from the Journal of the Abraham Lincoln Association
All quotations preserved in original transcription from the House Divided Project including existing grammatical errors.
Arizona State High School Social Studies Standards
Copyright 2016 Adam Sonstroem. May be used and adapted as long as proper credit given to the source.